Tuesday, August 9, 2016

Six Amendments by Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens (Ret.) Comment

Notes on Six Amendments
from Six Amendments by John Paul Stevens
by Ben Rautenberg 

“In the following pages I propose six amendments to the Constitution; the first four would nullify judge-made rules, the fifth would expedite the demise of the death penalty, and the sixth would confide the coverage of the Second Amendment to the area intended by its authors… “ Justice John Paul Stevens …
He, “shall begin with a discussion of the ‘anti-commandeering rule,’ which prevents the federal government from utilizing critical state resources, thus impairing the federal government’s ability to respond to problems with a national dimension, and explain why it would be prudent to eliminate the rule before a preventable catastrophe occurs.”

In close of his Prologue Stevens says, “As time passes, I am confident that the soundness of each of my proposals will become more and more evident, and that ultimately each will be adopted. The purpose of this book is to expedite that process and to avoid future crises before they occur.”
So what is Stevens talking about? He mentions catastrophe and crisis both in what I’ve excerpted from the prologue. Indeed the first chapter regarding the anti-commandeering rule intends to add four words to the Supremacy Clause in Article 6 to make it read “This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges and other public officals in every state shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.”
Because the clause does not currently contain the words “and other public officials” national federal programs like administering background checks on gun purchases are blighted, prone to be botched up, and ruined. The great country we live in should not shy away from harmony; after all, we are the United States of America. In ’97, the Supreme Court ruled that the federal government cannot force state officials to participate in the federal background check system to prevent felons or persons with mental illness problems from buying guns. Not only would his proposal remedy this difficulty, but can also maximize the federal government’s ability to mobilize response to natural disasters.
What is burning in many Americans minds as far as political issues go regards elections. Campaigning takes up more and more time for our representatives these days, with local and national politicians enjoying various degrees of power and payback with their donors. In Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 Stevens discusses amendments to address gerrymandering and campaign finance.
Gerrymandering, if you don’t already know, is when you're elected and in power to redraw district lines, then you draw them in a fashion that makes you and people in your specific party more likely to be elected because of which neighborhoods are included and which are excluded. For example a democratic party might group together 3 or 4 rich neighborhoods with 5 or 6 more impoverished neighborhoods because they expect the poor folks to vote for candidates espousing progressive taxation policies. In my view today, Republicans tend to favor less taxes than Democrats, as well as keeping socially conscious views in favor of gun rights, anti-abortion laws, and some more military leaning dispositions. These basic trends contrast todays Democrats, who I prefer vastly for views that embrace LGBTQ people, pro-choice, less focus on business and more on citizens, and less hawkish, more peaceful foreign policy. In terms of drawing district lines, gerrymandering if you will, districts are meant to be contiguous, compact, and roughly equal in terms of population; many of the shapes on district maps become so distorted that they may look like salamanders (the origin of the term). Making redistricting a constitutional issue will help prevent extreme positions from arising during the primary process, as Stevens says, “the gerrymandering process makes elections – both in districts the majority expects to carry and in districts packed with voters who belong to the minority party – less competitive. For candidates who have no fear of losing to a member of the opposite party, the primary rather than the general election will be the decisive event in their campaigns. Whether liberal or conservative, candidates can be expected to adopt more extreme positions when competing within a single party than when competing with a member of the opposite party.”
The truth is this compounds the underlying issue, in my view, that distorting the reality of our democracy in favor of partisan bashing, hurts us by shackling us with Manichean thinking. Republicans especially are preventing compromise for the sake of appearing to be the morally high group. Let’s remember they are also the party of Bush Tax Cuts for the wealthy, subtracting from public resources that could go to our undervalued state employees. Franklin D. Roosevelt in his day, and progressive Democrats and Independents today lead us in the fight to unshackle the chains to dirty energy, the prison industrial complex, the military industrial complex, underfunded public school systems, and public institutions that are barely skating by.
The concept of Manichean thinking is hit on by Cornel West in his writing. West, a graduate of Harvard and a published scholar, has elucidated some destructive qualities in our democracy in his books. The trouble as he explains is that our divisions put us into positions where common progress is not the goal, but actually the powerful and wealthy setting out to increase their lead through our flawed system that divides people into adversarial positions. Candidates are able to prey on low lying public cynicism and exploit popular selfishness, by vilifying foreigners and selling us idealist dreams.
Governing is hard work, but our flaws mustn’t lead us to ascribe on it the belief that federal policies are inherently bad and that states rights are more important. Assuredly not all Republicans are bad people, or bad candidates; Maine’s own Susan Collins has been serving in the Senate for multiple terms and recently enjoyed another reelection with her moderate platform. (Even more recently she denounced Donald Trump.) The Republicans court voters with their anti free-rider mentality that tends to be harder on welfare recipients. The appeal of the Republican party is its grit and hard work reputation, but in our two party system is also houses a host of other features. Rather than dirtying the page with party typecasts, I’d sooner applaud Independent thinking and compromise that puts the interest of improving our culture first.
Steven’s experience in the Supreme Court, and the express purpose set out in Six Amendments is to improve our government, a natural extension of the philosophy of Utilitarianism, also known as the greatest happiness principle. Addressing the ludicrously high levels of campaign fund raising seems prudent, and though Stevens shies away from proposing a number upon which a limit should be set for campaign spending, he does suggest this amendment to the Constitution:

Neither the First Amendment nor any other provision of this Constitution shall be construed to prohibit the Congress or any state from imposing reasonable limits on the amount of money that candidates for public office, or their supporters, may spend in election campaigns.

People who have a lot of money, this suggests, are sometimes inclined to use it to influence public officials; however another drawback to unlimited campaign expenditures is that it subtracts from the amount of time and energy our officials have to focus on their jobs, to establish public policy that supports popular well-being, that is happiness, that is also to work towards setting the best possible example of a modern society going forward.
Returning to the topic of States rights, Stevens helps to explain the topic of his next chapter, a tough concept at first to understand if you're not familiar, but really one that gets to my point about being United States, under the Constitution and its provisions. He says about Sovereign Immunity, “Congress’s power to enact laws that impose obligations on states and state agencies should include the power to authorize effective remedies for violations of those federal commands. The fact that a hospital is owned by a state should not provide it with a sovereign immunity defense to a claimed violation of federal law for which an otherwise identical hospital that is owned by a charity or a municipality would be liable. It is simply unfair to permit state-owned institutions to asset defenses to federal claims that are unavailable to their private counterparts." Stevens explains why the Soverign Immunity defense that States and their agents use is sloppy and pernicious. "A university should be equally responsible for copyright or patent infringement whether it is owned privately or by a state. It does not make sense to provide a police officer employed by the state of New York with a defense to a claim that he violated a suspect’s constitutional rights that is not available to an officer employed by the city of New York. To avoid such injustices, the Constitution should be amended to provide:

Neither the Tenth Amendment, the Eleventh Amendment, nor any other provision of this Constitution, shall be construed to provide any state, state agency, or state officer with an immunity from liability for violating any act of Congress, or provision of the Constitution.

So that I may wrap this up and move on toward finishing my book I would like to briefly explain the final two amendments Justice Stevens is proposing in Six Amendments: How and Why We Should Change the Constitution, published in April of 2014.
In something of a revelation for me, I’ve come to agree that the Death Penalty should be done away with. Previously it was my opinion that a person in jail who is condemned to spend their life in prison ought to be killed to prevent unnecessary expenditures on their behalf. What has changed my mind is the simple fact that mistakes are inevitable. The finality of a death sentence prevents redress if a mistake is made, and an innocent life is taken. The idea that criminals are taking the time to stop and think, “Oh boy I might get the death penalty if I do this crime,” and that would deter them significantly more than life in prison would is rather silly. Add to this decision making process the fold that inmates can contribute positively to society from prison by working and producing, among other things, art, license plates, and even grown food. Stevens recommends amending the Eighth Amendment to say:

 Excessive Bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments such as the death penalty inflicted. 

On the very touchy issue of Gun Control I would yield to the perspective of Stevens perhaps more heavily than I already have been; because I know and respect gun owners who themselves concealed carry, most of whom have served in our armed forces. My personal opinion is that gun owners shouldn't be flashy or intimidating as you sometimes hear reported in news. Safety is one thing, but egotism-chauvinism is another.
Stevens begins his final chapter by reminding the reader that the anti-commandeering rule is pivotal in rendering states responsible for complying with federal background check programs. He says, “Concern that the anti-commandeering rule hampers the federal government’s ability to obtain adequate databases that will identify persons who should not be permitted to purchase guns prompted my discussion of the importance of doing away with that rule… Each year over 30,000 people die in the United States in firearm-related incidents. Many of those deaths involve handguns.
The adoption of rules that will lessen the number of those incidents should be a matter of primary concern to both federal and state legislators… It is those legislators, rather than federal judges, who should make the decisions that will determine what kinds of firearms should be available to private citizens, and when and how they may be used. Constitutional provisions that curtail the legislative power to govern in this area unquestionably do more harm than good.”
Stevens believes that the original intent of the draftsmen can be asserted by amending the second amendment to read:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms when serving in the Militia shall not be infringed.

He closes the chapter by saying, “Emotional claims that the right to possess deadly weapons is so important that it is protected by the federal Constitution distort intelligent debate about the wisdom of particular aspects of proposed legislation designed to minimize the slaughter caused by the prevalence of guns in private hands. Those emotional arguments would be nullified by the adoption of my proposed amendment. The amendment certainly would not silence the powerful voice of the gun lobby; it would merely eliminate its ability to advance one mistaken argument.
It is true, of course, that the public’s reaction to massacres of schoolchildren, such as the Newton killings, and the 2013 murder of government employees in the Navy Yard in Washington, D.C., may also introduce a strong emotional element into the debate. That aspect of the debate is, however, based entirely on facts rather than fiction. The law should encourage intelligent discussion of possible remedies for what every American can recognize as an ongoing national tragedy.”

 I believe in this experienced man's thinking and throw my weight behind his words. His logic and humanism are revered by many, and for the same reasons we do revere former Supreme Court Justice Stevens I've chosen to echo his sentiments in my writing. In closing of this commentary I would like to offer a final passage from Chapter 2 "Gerrymandering" as a voucher to his reason. 


"Admittedly the Constitution does not require proportional representation, but there is a world of difference between such a strict requirement and a more limited prohibition against a political party’s use of governmental power to draft bizarre districts that have no purpose or justification other than enhancing that party’s own power. Just as a controlling political party may not use public funds to pay its campaign expenses, it is also quite wrong to use public power for the sole purpose of enhancing the political strength of the majority party."

No comments: